Tim Giago,
“How much did Indian settlement drop in fiscal mess?“
Opening Statement of the
Indigenous Caucus11th Meeting of Negotiations in the Quest for
Points of Consensus, Organization of American States.
UBUNTU, “World
Forum of Civil Society Networks Forum, To achieve the MDGs,
to tackle today's crises (food, the climate...): Let us create
a Currency Transaction Tax for Financing Development (CTT for
FfD).”
Elders Gathering for
“the One Nation” Statement.
Stephen Sachs, “One
thought for Improving the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues”
HOW MUCH MONEY DID THE
INDIAN SETTLEMENT DROP IN FISCAL MESS?
Tim Giago
Republished
with author’s Permission from the Black
Hills Pioneer and the Rapid
City Weekly News, October 10,
2008, http://www.bhpioneer.com/articles/2008/10/10/opinion/doc48ed0801c4971156355540.txt
When Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns and Merrill Lynch took a
shellacking in the world of high finances, many leaders of Indian
tribes were hot on the phone lines to their brokers and money
managers. I wonder how many of them will relay the information
of their financial losses to their tribal members?
Because of extreme secrecy, it’s hard to determine how
much money was lost by the Indian nations, particularly tribes
with rich casino operations, but you can place one sure bet
on this fiasco: if they played the market they lost.
On July 31, the money in the interest-bearing accounts of the
tribes involved in Black Hills Settlement Claim, Docket 74B,
was at $815,616,678.20 and the money invested in the Docket
74A account was at $113,193,512.73. If you combine the totals
of these two accounts they come to $928,810,190.93 million.
Now that is as close to $1 billion as you can get.
How many members of the Great Sioux Nation knew what was in
their accounts or how much money was lost on Wall Street? My
sources tell me that millions of dollars of the Black Hills
money was lost and the hope is that the announced federal bailout
may help to recoup some or most of it.
It strikes me as amazing that, in the 1980 U. S. Census, four
of the 10 “Poorest Counties in America,” were located
on Indian reservations in South Dakota, with Shannon County,
the seat of the Pine Ridge Reservation, taking the number-one
spot as the single poorest county in America. That was nearly
30 years ago, at the time the original awards of $105,994,430.52
for Docket B, and $40,245,807.02 for Docket 74A, were handed
down by the Court of Claims to the tribes of the Great Sioux
Nation.
As you can see, after nearly 30 years, the interest-bearing
accounts have grown considerably, but in those years there have
been ups and downs as the market fluctuated.
Docket 74B was for the illegal taking of the Black Hills and
Docket 74A for the taking of lands east of the Hills. For all
of the of gold, silver, uranium, timber, water and other
natural resources taken from the stolen lands until this very
day, the monetary award offered to the Lakota, Dakota and Nakota
people was less than puny. It was an insult. The people of the
Great Sioux Nation have not received a single shilling for the
theft of their homeland.
For all of those who boldly stand up on their hind legs and
ask, “What about all of the money the Indians got for
hospitals, schools, government and welfare?” the answer
is for them to look into their own back yards at the millions
they have received from the federal government for much of the
same opportunities with one exception: They did not have to
give up millions of acres of land to receive those benefits.
All of the supposed gifts to the Indian people that non-Indians
complain about were negotiated between two sovereign nations
for the most part, or decided unilaterally by the federal government
after it had consolidated its power over the Indian people.
When the enemies of the United States became defenseless, that
is when the outright theft of their lands began.
When the poorest people in America turn up their noses at nearly
$1 billion dollars, what does that tell you? And why is this
one of the least-reported stories in this country? When a Lakota
family is struggling to put food on the table or trying to find
money to pay for a ride to the Indian hospital or grocery store
or is looking at ways to survive another South Dakota winter
with a premium on heating expenses, don’t you believe
that they think about what they could do with the money sitting
in a money market on Wall Street?
And yet they refuse to accept the money. This is one of the
major stories of the century and yet it continues to go unreported
in the mainstream media and even in the American Indian media.
Why?
I would truly like for someone at CNN, MSNBC, FOX Network News
or CBS, NBC and ABC or The New York Times, to give me and the
Indian people an answer to that question.
If the news was about a takeover of a village, a violent confrontation,
or worse, the MSM would be here in droves, but this story is
apparently of no interest to them. Not violent enough? Not shocking
enough? Too bad because it is a story that is begging to be
told in its entirety.
If nothing else, the money lost by the Indian people of South
Dakota by the money market collapse should be news. If it rocked
America, it certainly rocked the “poorest of the poor.”
Tim
Giago, an Oglala Lakota, was born, raised and educated on the
Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota. He was the founder and
first president of the Native American Journalists Association
and the founder and publisher of Indian Country Today, the Lakota
Times, and the Dakota/Lakota Journal. He can be reached at najournalist@msn.com
.
OPENING STATEMENT OF THE
INDIGENOUS CAUCUS 11TH
MEETING OF NEGOTIATIONS IN THE QUEST OF CONSENSUS, ORGANIZATION
OF AMERICAN STATES, April 14th,
2008
This is the Collective consensus
statement of the Indigenous Peoples' Caucus of the Americas
attending the 11th session of Negotiations Seeking Points of
Consensus for the "Draft American Declaration on the Rights
of Indigenous Peoples" in Washington DC.
It was developed by the consensus
of the caucus representatives (North, South and Central America
and Caribbean), and was read formally into the record of the
opening session just 5 minutes ago by Armand McKenzie, representing
the caucus. It was distributed to the states in both languages,
enclosed.
(Note: I am sending this out
as coordiantor of the drafting committee for the caucus' opening
statement, and thanks to Cassandra Smithies for her work on
translation with the drafting team over the weekend). Andrea
Carmen, Executive Director, International Indian Treaty Council
Administrative Office, 456 N. Alaska St., Palmer, AK 99645,
andrea@treatycouncil.org,
Office: 907-745-4482, Fax: 907-745-4484, www.treatycouncil.org.
Respectful Greetings Mr. Chairman,
and delegates of Indigenous Peoples and states.
I am making this statement
on behalf of the Indigenous peoples' caucus participating in
this 11th session of Negotiations for the development of the
American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, in
which Indigenous Peoples of North, Central, South America and
the Caribbean are represented. We express our appreciation to
the Secretariat of the Summit of the Americas as well as the
donors for all the support they provided to ensure the participation
of Indigenous Peoples in this Session.
We come to this session with
renewed enthusiasm based on the significant developments in
the International arena to recognize the rights of Indigenous
Peoples.
We reaffirm that the Report
of the Chair on the Session of Reflection on the meetings of
negotiations for the search of the consensus (OEA/Ser.K/XVI
GT/DADIN/doc.321/08) states that "The majority of States
and all of the indigenous representatives supported the use
of the UN Declaration as the baseline for negotiations and indicated
that this represented a minimum standard for the OAS Declaration."
When we met in November 2007,
we agreed to complete a comparative analysis between the texts
of the Draft American Declaration which have been drafted to
date and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
as adopted by the UN General Assembly on September 13th, 2007.
This agreement was based on broad recognition that the UN Declaration
is now the internationally-recognized standard on the rights
of Indigenous Peoples.
We reaffirm that work on the
Draft American Declaration should proceed under the following
principles:
1) Nothing in the American
Declaration can fall below the standards set out in the UN Declaration
ˆ in other words the UN Declaration constitutes the minimum
standard and, in accordance with international legal principles,
a regional instrument cannot fall below the standards recognized
in this universal document.
2) The American Declaration
can build upon the standards set by the UN Declaration and include
a more detailed articulation of the specific rights of Indigenous
Peoples; and
3) That the two Declarations
should be congruent with one another.
Our work on the American Declaration
must be undertaken with the intention to reiterate and reinforce
key areas and aspects of the UN Declaration. These include,
among others, the right to self-determination, free prior informed
consent and rights to traditionally owned and used lands, resources
and territories.
Distinguished Indigenous Peoples'
and states' delegates, in this OAS process we have a unique
opportunity to affirm and build upon the provisions and rights
in the UN Declaration, and to expand upon them in response to
the particular needs and concerns of the Indigenous Peoples
of the Americas. Indigenous Peoples have a great deal to gain
from working together in a spirit of cooperation, good faith
and full partnership with states to develop a strong American
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and to achieve
its adoption as soon as possible.
We cannot agree to be part
of a process that seeks to undermine what we have already achieved
in the international arena.
We congratulate states such
as Bolivia , and courts such as the Supreme Court of Belize
which have already used the UN Declaration to advance the implementation
of the rights of Indigenous Peoples within those countries.
We call upon other states in the Americas to take similar steps
without delay.
We recognize that of the 34
OAS member states, only the United States and Canada voted against
the UN Declaration, and Columbia abstained. As a result, these
states take the position that the UN Declaration on the Rights
of Indigenous Peoples does not apply to them and should therefore
not be used as the minimum standard in these negotiations. However,
we call the attention of this Working Group to two important
developments which demonstrate that this position is not valid.
On March 7th 2008, the United
Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
(CERD) released its recommendations in response to the United
States ' Periodic Report submitted to the Committee last year.
The CERD recommended that the UN Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples be used by the US as a "guide to interpret
the State Party's obligations under the Convention relating
to Indigenous Peoples". This recommendation supports the
position of Indigenous Peoples and a number of international
legal experts, and ties the implementation of the UN Declaration
to the legally binding obligations of all state parties to the
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination,
even states such as the US which voted against the Declaration's
adoption.
In addition, on April 8th,
2008, the House of Commons in Canada passed a motion calling
on the Canadian Government to "endorse the United Nations
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as adopted by
the UN General Assembly on 13 September, 2007 and that Parliament
and Government of Canada fully implement the standards contained
therein".
We call on the Government
of Canada to fully implement this democratically-adopted motion
by its own Parliament, and to reverse its continuing opposition
to the UN Declaration in international fora, including this
Working Group.
The UN Declaration provides
a new framework for improved relations between the governments
and the Indigenous peoples of the world, based on mutual respect.
The American Declaration can also become such a historic new
framework for States and Indigenous Peoples in the Americas
whereby the rights of Indigenous Peoples can be further affirmed,
respected and upheld. The urgent and critical need for this
new framework is clear, as the rights and survival of Indigenous
Peoples in all 34 member states of the OAS continue to be threatened
and violated. Imposed development including mining and deforestation,
environmental contamination, destruction of biodiversity and
traditional means of subsistence, violation of Treaties, expropriation
of lands and resources, denials of cultural rights and destruction
of sacred sites, militarization of Indigenous lands, policies
which attempt to extinguish Indigenous Peoples' rights and undermine
their self-determination, forced removals and a variety of other
adverse impacts are increasingly undermining Indigenous peoples'
dignity, security and well being and in many cases, their survival
as distinct Peoples.
A strong and principled American
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples developed in
partnership between the Indigenous Peoples and states of the
Americas will be another very important step towards protecting
Indigenous peoples who are facing grave threats as a result
of actions by states and non-indigenous parties.
In this light, it is important
to emphasize that the consensus referred to in document GT/DADIN/doc2461/06/rev.7
prepared for this session addressing the procedure for the prompt
conclusion of these negotiations must include Indigenous Peoples
and not just states as currently proposed. This is the only
way to ensure that the process will be legitimate and its outcome
a success.
The need is urgent and the
time is now to move forward in our efforts, based on the principles
and concerns presented in this statement. The Working Group
sessions must be focused in actual negotiations on the Draft
American Declaration text in order to move towards to its prompt
approval. Other issues such as a Plan of Action, thematic seminars
and a Permanent Office for Indigenous Peoples can be discussed
in other OAS forums held apart from the Working Group's negotiation
sessions.
We are here with a good spirit,
to build upon what we have achieved and to advance our partnerships
with states, under the principle of free prior informed consent
as was called for in the Plan of Action of the 2nd International
Decade of the Worlds Indigenous Peoples.
For all our relations.
UBUNTU,
“WORLD FORUM OF CIVIL SOCIETY NETWORKS FORUM TO ACHIEVE
THE MDGs, TO TACKLE TODAY’S CRISES (FOOD, THE CLIMATE,
…): LET US CREATE A CURRENCY TRANSACTION TAX FOR FINANCING
DEVELOPMENT (CTT for FfD)”
I, September 4, 2008
(Ubuntu is an age-old
African term for humaneness - for caring, sharing, and being
in harmony with all of creation. As an ideal, it promotes co-operation
between individuals, cultures, and nations.)
A great gathering of Heads of State and Government will take
place in New York during the week of 22-26 September for the
High Level Meeting on the Millennium Development Goals, as part
of the opening of the new session of the United Nations' General
Assembly (the 63rd session). Later on, from 29 November to 2
December, the Follow-up International Conference on Financing
for Development to Review the Implementation of the Monterrey
Consensus will be held in Doha, the capital city of Qatar.
Article 2 of the Monterrey Consensus on Financing for Development
(March 2002) records this assertion: "We note with concern
current estimates of dramatic shortfalls in resources required
to achieve the internationally agreed development goals, including
those contained in the United Nations Millennium Declaration
— the MDGs".
It is now acknowledged by all that it is practically impossible
to achieve the MDGs by the deadline set, mainly because, even
at this late stage, we are not seeing any change in the funding
trends for Financing Development, and that change is essential
for achieving those goals. We thus find ourselves facing an
international political situation that is at once paradoxical
and unjustifiable: a) on the one hand, renewed support for the
MDGs at the highest level will probably be aired in New York,
with a flurry of fine words but a complete absence of effective
commitments for achieving them; b) on the other hand, the Monterrey
Consensus will be reviewed in Doha, and it too will probably
be endorsed again in virtually the same terms as 6 years ago,
but once again with no measures being taken to assure that the
resources needed for its implementation will be available. Hence
nothing will be done to resolve the predicament so clearly enunciated
in that second article quoted above, particularly now when crises
in food, the climate and other areas are posing a challenge
for humanity as a whole.
We, the undersigned people and organizations from civil society,
at the initiative of the World Forum of Civil Society Networks
— UBUNTU, wish to call for NO MORE empty words, NO MORE
sterile statements, and NO MORE inefficacy and apathy. However,
we also wish to say that there ARE workable solutions, solutions
that we present and propose, demanding that they be discussed
and approved, and in particular that they be implemented immediately
afterwards, in the period between the New York meeting and the
Doha meeting.
In this communiqué, which cannot be exhaustive, we focus
on one particular measure we regard as essential, and it is
one that, in addition to providing very tangible specific solutions,
will also take us into a scenario of international work and
implementation efforts. It is now essential for us — humanity
as a whole — to tackle the problems we are facing from
that scenario: through a reformed and reinforced United Nations.
SPECIFICALLY, WE PROPOSE THAT THE OUTCOMES OF THE DOHA MEETING
SHOULD INCLUDE THE CREATION OF a Global Tax on Currency Transactions
(CTT for FfD) as an additional, predictable, stable and sustainable
source of Financing for Development, the funds from it being
channelled into multilateral funds run by the United Nations
for use, initially, in achieving the MDGs by 2015. This would
have several effects:
This CTT for FfD would lead to the collection of "a significant
amount of resources for development while not interfering with
the normal functioning of the market", since the levy involved
would be tiny according to studies by the Technical Groups of
Action against Hunger and Poverty (led by Brazil, France, Chile,
South Africa, Spain, Germany...). According to leaders from
some of the countries mentioned above, global levies should
be regarded as a "normal" counterpart provided in
return for the profits that the great transnational financial
corporations obtain from globalization. We fully embrace that
idea!
This CTT for FfD would respond to the United Nations' General
Secretary's concerns when he noted "renewed international
interest in a possible currency-transaction 'development levy'
of 0.005%, a minuscule tax [...] having the potential to generate
billions of dollars that can be allocated for development. [...]
Currency transaction taxes involve more than one country [...
and] are best implemented in a cooperative manner among countries."
ii
This CTT for FfD would have a global base, since location and
territorial issues are irrelevant in the Foreign Exchange Market
(FOREX), the market used for currency transactions iii . Thus
the CTT we are proposing can be applied to the global financial
sector as such, with the funds collected being transferred directly
to a Multilateral Fund held by the United Nations, which would
make a huge contribution to reinforcing the role of that organization
in achieving the MDGs.
IN SHORT, WE PROPOSE THAT FINANCING FOR DEVELOPMENT BE BASED
NOT ONLY ON OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT
ASSISTANCE (WHICH MUST OF COURSE NOW BE RAISED WITHOUT FURTHER
DELAYS OF ANY KIND TO 0.7% OF THE GDP OF THE RICH AND POWERFUL
COUNTRIES), BUT ALSO ON THE
INDISPENSABLE AND JUST REDISTRIBUTION OF THE ECONOMIC WEALTH
GENERATED IN THE WORLD .
Such redistribution can only be assured by a reformed system
of international institutions, one that must evolve, as we always
say in the context of the "WORLD CAMPAIGN FOR IN-DEPTH
REFORM OF THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS", towards
a new system of Democratic World Governance capable of collecting
and managing those global levies, among other things.
"CTT for FfD" - "Currency Transaction Tax for
Financing for Development". The proposal refers to the
application of a tiny levy (in the region of 0.005%) on international
currency movements. Given the huge amount of money involved
in currency exchanges, applying this tax would enable a very
significant amount of resources for development to be collected.
With the tax rate mentioned by the UN Secretary General, the
amount collected would add up to just over 50% of total Official
Development Assistance (ODA) from the world in 2007, according
to all the estimates made. Those two sources together (funds
collected from the CTT + ODA) would cover the resources needed
to achieve the MDGs, according to the appraisal made by Jeffrey
Sachs in 2005.
The global currency-exchange market or Forex (Foreign Exchange
Market) is the largest financial market in existence. In general,
this market is not subject to any tax regulations, since its
technological nature (whose development was backed by the world's
Central Banks) makes it virtually a globalized market. Money
flows in that market are eminently speculative, the aim always
being to boost the profits of transnational financial corporations.
Applying the CTT we are proposing would be the first experiment
in redistributing the wealth generated in that market.
Federico
Mayor, Mario Soares, Susan George - Author and Board Chair of
Transnational Institute, Noam Chomsky, Aminata Traoré
- ASF - African Social Forum, Kailash Satyarthi - Global March
Against Child Labour, Margaret O. Blomberg - NFO Committee on
Financing for Development (FfD), Cândido Grzybowski -
IBASE - Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais e Econômicas,
Chico Whitaker - Right Livelihood Award; Brazilian Commission
Justice and Peace, Roberto Savio- IPS - Inter Press Service,
Saskia Sassen - Committee on Global Thought Columbia University,
John Foster - North-South Institute & Social Watch, Gigi
Francisco – DAWN, Tomas Magnusson - IPB - International
Peace Bureau, Miquel de Paladella - Global Movement for Children,
Ricardo Díez Hochleitner - Honorary President Club of
Rome, Herman Spanjaard - IPPNW -International Physicians for
the Prevention of Nuclear War, Mary-Winne Ashford - Past Co-President
of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War,
Shula Koenig - PDHRE-People's Movement for Human Rights Learning,
Sara Longwe - FEMNET - African Women's Development and Communication
Network, Fatma Alloo - DAWN Africa, Meja Vitalis - AFRODAD -
African Forum and Network on Debt and Development, Elizabeth
Eilor - AWEPON - African Women's Economic Policy Network, Martin
Tsounkeu - ADIN - Africa Development Interchange Network, Nadia
Johnson - WEDO - Woman Environment Development Organitzation,
Philo Morris - Medical Mission Sisters, Mohammed Fayek - Arab
Organization For Human Rights, Marino Busdachin - UNPO –
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation, Rómulo
Torres - LATINDADD - Red Latinoamericana sobre Deuda, Desarrollo
y Derechos, Ernesto Lamas - AMARC ALC - Asoc. Mundial Radios
Comunitarias - América Latina Caribe, Felix Dodds - Stakeholder
Forum, Fintan Farrell - European Anti Poverty Network, Martí
Olivella - Alliance for Responsible, Plural and United World,
Vicente García - CIVICUS - UN representative, Francine
Mestrum - AEDH - Agence européenne pour la défense
des droits de l'homme, Arcadi Oliveras - Justice and Peace Europe,
Jorge Nieto - Centro Internacional para la Cultura Democrática,
Miquel Àngel Essoba - Centre UNESCO de Catalunya, Fèlix
Martí - Honorary President Linguapax Institute, Antoni
Giró - Rector UPC - Universitat Politècnica de
Catalunya, Richard A. Falk - Princeton University; California
University, Hall Gardner - Professor American University of
Paris, Josep Ferrer - Professor Universitat Politècnica
de Catalunya – UPC, Ferran Requejo - Professor Universitat
Pompeu Fabra – UPF, Sean O Siochru - CRIS - Communication
Rights in Information Society Campaign, Josep Xercavins - UBUNTU
Forum Ad Hoc Secretariat, professor UPC.
If
you wish to support this statement go to: http://www.ubuntu.upc.edu/index.php?lg=eng&pg=2&ncom=26.
ELDERS
GATHERING FOR "THE ONE NATION" STATEMENT,
June 06, 2008
As most of you know, on September 13, 2007, the United Nations'
General Assembly approved the much touted United Nations' Declaration
on The Rights of Indigenous Peoples (the "UN Declaration").
Although this UN Declaration, importantly, recognizes the right
of our Nations to seek self-determination, it does not, in and
of itself, take the next step to advance the cause of Indigenous
Sovereign Nations around the world. The One Nation IS that next
step, the necessary next step to lead us forward. Again, those
who know will understand that the traditional governing systems
and the traditional cultures of these Indigenous Sovereign Nations
were and continue to be decimated by laws enacted by their "host"
countries, including Canada, the United States, Australia, New
Zealand, Fiji, the Caribbean and numerous others, which laws,
among other things, impose false (proxy) (foreign) governments
and laws on our peoples, and force our Nations to bow before
the colonizing courts to resolve inter-nation disputes with
them. This Declaration of true Sovereignty has the blessing
of the Creator, the one true Law. The creation of The One Nation
"immediately" frees the Indigenous Sovereign Nations
to re-assert their sovereignty, an inherent sovereignty granted
by the Creator to each human at birth, which was never surrendered
and never could have been surrendered. It has taken the Indigenous
Sovereign Nations over 200 years to regroup and arrive at this
crucial point in history to re-commence performing their sacred
duties to care for Mother Earth, all Her creatures, great and
small (and, hence, all humans too). It is no accident and no
coincidence that the Creator has chosen this time to arrange
for the re-assertion of these ancient Nations. The air, the
water, the land and all living things are in danger now as never
before. The One Nation is born from all things positive, not
from anger for past oppression and atrocities undeniably committed.
These things are forgiven. When the colonizers arrived, as predicted
in the Prophesies, our ancestors welcomed them and cared for
them, as the Creator instructed, when they could not care for
themselves. They were like children sitting at our feet in need
of sustenance, which many of our ancestors gladly provided.
The children grew up steadily over the course of several hundred
years, only to rebel against their caregivers, reacting with
greed and forgetfulness of all that was done for them and all
that we tried to teach them, harming our Mother the Earth in
the process. For this they must also be forgiven. The time has
come, however, when these now young adults must realize and
admit the error of their youthful and frivolous ways and turn
once again to the wisdom and care of those who raised them.
Unwittingly, they developed along the way the technological
and linguistic means for all Indigenous Sovereign Nations to
now join together with one good mind and one pure heart for
the good of all humans. To keep in mind a message from Hereditary
Chief Gary Metallic, Mi'Kmaq; ‘This Declaration must be
signed by not only representing Chiefs but also by the elders,
women, men, children who will validate the legitimacy of our
new nationhood.’ In conclusion, The One Nation extends
an open invitation to all Indigenous Sovereign Nations to join
on this historic and epic peaceful path into the future and
also to convey this all-important message to all colonizing
states: ‘The One Nation extends, once again, its open
hand in friendship and in good faith as our gesture of our desire
to continue to coexist for the benefit and respect of all living
creatures and our one true Mother, the Earth herself.’
Written by: Edna (Grandma) Gordon, Seneca Hawk Elder: To overcome
the Cultural Barriers of Divided Nations, a Declaration of Principles
within Yourself, The Youth, and All Races of Mankind is to keep
the Sacred Fires of our Ancestors burning for Future Generations
to learn the Wisdom Knowledge of the Elders. Bless your Sacred
Fires to Gather in Unity for Inspiration, Harmony, Cultural
Exchange, Identity and Respect for One’s Heritage. Spread
Your Wings in Balance like the Butterfly, the Bird, the Hawk,
and the Eagle to scale the Heights of Your Creative, Potential
Self to Light the Spiritual Fires Within. There are some things
in Life that you Cannot Change, the Eternal things.
The
Vision
First,
let it be known that the “vision” set forth herein
is written by humble humans, with no direct knowledge of what
the Creator may have in store. It is not a “plan”
and is not even a “blueprint.” It is simply and
humbly the best guess of the direction in which The One Nation
is to take to assist each of us individually and as part of
The One Nation to take all the appropriate actions and steps
in this material realm to bring about the changes required by
the Creator, as assisted by the Ancestors and the multitude
of “helpers,” whose assistance is acknowledged and
to whom we give our Great Thanks! This Statement has been reviewed
by as many of the Elders involved as possible so as to assure
its credibility and veracity as we move forward on this journey,
as we participate in this “happening.”
It was suggested that this journey be referred to as a “happening,”
rather than any other name, such as “movement.”
This, because there are many movements in various walks of life,
from lofty goals such as civil rights (race, gender and religion),
to even more mundane movements such as a grassroots political
party. This is not to detract from the importance of these “movements,”
but to simply state that what we have undertaken has been long-awaited
and has far-reaching consequences that even we cannot anticipate
or contemplate, a “happening.”
We cannot talk about the vision without reference to its essential
roots, The Prophesies. Each Nation involved, through its Elders,
has expressed the sense that what we are engaged in is somehow
associated with the Promise made by the Creator to all “true
humans” in “the beginning” to bring about,
at the appropriate point in time, a world in which our spirits
will be freed to live in accordance with the Instructions from
the Creator, with generosity to others, sharing what we have,
courageousness, peace (both inner and external) and harmony,
best expressed in the “Declaration of Principles”
first written above. It is up to each of us to determine whether
we want to continue along the path of greed, lies, deception,
illusion, isolation, fear, anger, violence and hatred, or whether
we will “walk through the door” that has now been
opened to us. We have heard it said that many have lost their
connection to Mother Earth and have been overtaken by the materialistic
societies that surround us. We have heard it said that by losing
that connection, we have lost our connection to the spiritual.
Therefore, we have heard it said that in order to regain that
connection for each of us and for all true humans and the children
yet to come, we must re-establish that connection. Everyone
has a different way of expressing these thoughts, but most acknowledge
that these thoughts are true. We can call the Nameless One,
the creator of all, the Creator or Great Spirit or The Great
Reality or The Great Mystery (or however else you have been
taught to make reference and pay homage). We can subscribe to
the traditional teachings of our Ancestors or to the teachings
of Jesus or Buddha or Jehovah or any other spiritual body of
principles, but there is only one Great Reality of which we
are all a part and we can each agree that the time has come.
Our Mother Earth is under attack as never before. The signs
are clear to us that the time for unification of all indigenous
Nations is here. We acknowledge that all peoples of Mother Earth
are indigenous to somewhere, that the fortunate few Nations
that have made it through the onslaught of the so-called “civilized
world” are the ones that have been selected to join together
and to assist all others to regain their indigenous cultures
that were taken from them long ago, some at the hands of the
Byzantine Empire, some at the hands of the Roman Empire, some
at the hands of the Imperial Chinese or Japanese Empires or
, as now, at the hands of the colonizing empires. One thing
is clear. The culture of each of these indigenous peoples, including
their languages and ceremonies, was stolen from them and must
be returned. We know this because our Nations were under the
same attack by the same forces, with different names and faces,
but coming from the same dark source. The attacks indeed continue
to this day, although more subtle and devious than outright
massacre as practiced in the past.
This is where we are. As all of us know, on September 13, 2007,
the United Nations’ General Assembly approved the United
Nations’ Declaration on The Rights of Indigenous Peoples
(the “UN Declaration”). Although this UN Declaration,
importantly, recognizes the right of our Nations to seek self-determination,
it does not, in and of itself, take the next step to advance
the cause of Indigenous Sovereign Nations around the world.
The One Nation IS that next step, the necessary next step to
lead us forward into our future and the future of the succeeding
generations.
Humbly, we agreed on March 30, 2008, at a seminal conference
call, that the Algonquin Nation would “light the torch”
of The One Nation by signing the Declaration on April 20, 2008,
the first Full Moon of the Spring. This was done and other Nations
have since signed and will continue to do so. The sense of the
Elders present at the signing was that a powerful “door”
or “portal” had been opened through which all may
walk by signing the Declaration. Otherwise, the next major gathering
for the purpose of signing is currently scheduled to take place
on July 8-9, 2008, at Greenbelt Park (campground) (301-344-3944)
(174 campsites available), Maryland, 12 miles North of Washington,
D.C., 2 days prior to the conclusion of The Longest Walk, when
many Elders and Nations from around the world will be present.
It is hoped that the Dalai Lama will also be present for this
sacred event (not known whether Tibet might sign). The Australian
and New Zealand Sovereign Indigenous Nations have already begun
their own signing across their sacred lands at their sacred
“Dreamtime” sites, which will continue through this
Summer, 2008. The torch will be passed across The Australian
and New Zealand Continent at that time. This signing may take
a couple of months to be accomplished, but it will be accomplished.
Thereafter, or at the same time, it is anticipated that other
Nations from other continents will also sign. It is believed
that, as more Nations sign, and as the “word” circulates
Elder to Elder, Nation to Nation, eventually all Nations that
were supposed to sign, will sign.
As said above, there are many peoples whose culture was stolen
and procedures will need to be set in place at the appropriate
time to return to these peoples their culture and their “Nationhood,”
so that these Nations, then newly declared as such, may join
the One Nation. At the same time, or thereafter, as deemed best
by the Elders at the time, provision will be made for individuals
to become citizens of The One Nation. These individuals, who
are many, will have no affiliation with an indigenous Nation,
but will need to be “sheltered” under the protective
wings of The One Nation in some fashion and under certain procedures
to be established by the Elders of The One Nation. This is much
like the way a citizen of an existing country may change citizenship
from one country to another or perhaps maintain a “dual”
citizenship.
Perhaps the most immediate benefit of The One Nation is its
ability to access International Tribunals, something most (if
not all) indigenous Nations are currently unable to do. Most
(if not all) of the time, we have been forced to allow the colonizing
“host” country to decide disputes we might have
with that “host” country (as when we are drawn into
the US, Canadian, Australian or other courts to resolve “sovereignty”
issues, where we are almost certain to lose) (as has been the
case historically). The One Nation will be considered an “equal”
among all existing countries of the world, with the equal ability
to access a more neutral tribunal to determine disputes over
the environment, land, resources, such as water/ air, etc, This,
so that we may take our rightful place as stewards of Mother
Earth and the environment. There are many Elders who believe,
who say that they “know,” that The One Nation is
Prophesied to replace the other existing countries in the world,
whose demise is imminent. To these Elders, whose vision must
be respected, if not followed, The One Nation is destined to
be THE entity to provide organization and stability to all of
our precious Nations when the other countries “melt away”
from whatever causes. We say no more on this, but mention this
for the sake of a complete, honest and open discussion of the
vision in accordance with our traditional principles.
THIS
“VISION STATEMENT” HAS BEEN REVIEWED AND APPROVED
BY THE ELDERS OF THE NATIONS WHO HAVE SIGNED THE DECLARATION
AS OF THE DATE OF THIS STATEMENT, AND BY THE ELDERS AND OTHER
SUPPORTERS OF THE ONE NATION UNDER THE “UMBRELLA”
OF “THE SOVEREIGNTY PROJECT.”
Closing
Prayer:
As
my being walks along the plane of Mother Earth
It
sends humble Great Thanks for the grandeur of your many Blessings.
The
Beauty of Your Creation radiates Your intent of Harmony,
Upon
me and the Spirits walking beside me.
I
humbly stand before You by virtue of Your Grace
And
pray, by virtue of Your Grace, to be guided along Your pathway
of
Love,
Respect, Peace, Unity and Spiritual Harmony
Between
and among all beings, seen and unseen.
For
more information contact: Hereditary
Chief Gary Metallic, Mi’kmaq, gmetallic@hotmail.com, (603)598-4834;
Elder Jacob Wawatie, Algonquin, wigibiwajak@hotmail.com, (819)438-1866;
Dr. Yussuf Kly, Int’l Law, U. of Regina; Yussuf.kly@uregina.ca
250-483-7369; Debra Thomas, Shuswap,
blueraven2008@hotmail.com (604)723-9829; Anthony J Pasquariello,
Esq. (Mohawk), tonyplaw@optonline.net,
(201)410-8253; KWE ,Chuck & Tina People of the Land /Algonquin,
nottawayratt@hotmail.com,
(819)334-1802; http://www.onenationvision.com/.
ONE
THOUGHT FOR IMPROVING THE UN PERMANENT FOURM ON INDIGENOUS ISSUES
Stephen
Sachs
During and after last spring’s
UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues meeting, there was some
substantial criticism of the forum members over their wording
of the resolution relating to the World Bank Carbon Trading
Program, which – while stating some reservations about
the program and proposing some limitations for it – did
not go nearly as far in opposing its provisions as did many
Indigenous people and organizations. (See the discussion of
this in International Developments, IPJ,
spring 2008, the report of the session at: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/UNPFII_7session_report_advance.pdf,
and in “Permanent Forum: Unprofessional and gets personal,”
Indigenous Rights Quarterly,
Vo. I, No. 3, July –
September, 2007 (http://www.aitpn.org/IRQ/vol-II/Issue-03/story08.html).
Forum Chairman Victoria Tauli-Corpuz,
an indigenous leader from the Philippines whose own published
views on the question are similar to those of her Indigenous
critics, responded to the criticism (both at the session and
afterwards) saying, in part, that the Permanent Forum is not
a purely indigenous forum, but includes governments of states,
recommending action to the UN on issues of concern to Indigenous
peoples. In other words, to maximize indigenous interests, as
closely as possible harmonizing them with all other interests,
in practice, it is necessary, to appropriately temper the expression
of the indigenous position, which requires sensitive balancing.
While agreeing with that proposition in principle, and without
examining how well the forum members did in achieving a proper
balance in the case of the World Bank carbon trading system,
there remain some related questions about the forum’s
functioning, that I believe can be improved.
The July-September 2007,
Indigenous Rights Quarterly,
critique found that the largest concern is that, “So long
as indigenous peoples' statements are not included in the Annual
Reports to the ECOSOC, indigenous peoples will increasingly
fail to relate to the Forum. The Forum will eventually lose
its relevance to the activists. The proposed new mechanism of
the Human Rights Council may indeed hasten the process of the
Permanent Forum's ultimate irrelevance.” Officially, the
Forum is a group of experts on Indigenous affairs that makes
its own recommendations to the UN through its Economic and Social
Council. Every spring the Forum holds an open meeting with representatives
of Indigenous and Indigenous concerned organizations, at which
the representatives of states and international organizations
also speak. While the participants have no formal power to make
decisions for the forum, they can and do influence its work
by their recommendations to the Forum, and through their impact
on world opinion (as well as having an important opportunity
to interact and network). Every year many documents stating
the views of participating non-governmental organizations, Indigenous
and non-Indigenous, along with those of states and international
organizations (such as the World Bank) are available in print
at the meeting, but are not made part of the official record.
Given the limited staff and
budget of the Forum, it may not be possible for its secretariat
to scan or transcribe all of those papers into a computerized
public record that could be made available on line. But since
all those documents are made on computer to begin with, it would
be a relatively simple and inexpensive process to invite anyone,
or any organization, attending the meeting to submit their statements
via E-mail, or on disc, or perhaps even word processed by the
submitter on site into the available UN computer terminals,
to be part of the record of the session, that would be available
on the Forum web site. If it were necessary, as a practical
matter, limitations could be made on the number and length of
statements in the proceedings.
I believe this would expand the power of Indigenous groups and
organizations, while providing an equal opportunity to states,
in a traditional Indigenous inclusiveness that invites presentation
of all views, and all aspects of issues. I also think that it
would be interesting to have available the statements of Indigenous
peoples and organizations along with those of states, to be
able to compare the positions for later analysis and discussion.
Where states express legitimate concerns. those could be brought
together with Indigenous expressions of interest to move toward
an equitable balance. Where states make claims that are inaccurate,
or unjust, that could be illuminated by the Indigenous expressions.
All of this would be available to expand public discussion of
Indigenous issues, and expand Indigenous influence upon governmental
and international organizational decision making. There is precedent
for governmental organizations keeping a record of their proceedings
on the basis of turned in documents, rather than by real time
transcription of the oral statements. This was long the practice
of the United States Congress in compiling the
Congressional Record. In any
case, this might be a practice worth considering.